{"id":1467,"date":"2020-05-06T15:44:05","date_gmt":"2020-05-06T14:44:05","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.balkan-conflicts-research.com\/archive\/?page_id=1467"},"modified":"2020-05-06T15:44:05","modified_gmt":"2020-05-06T14:44:05","slug":"no-to-the-international-kangaroo-court-justin-raimondo-3-january-2003","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/www.balkan-conflicts-research.com\/archive\/no-to-the-international-kangaroo-court-justin-raimondo-3-january-2003\/","title":{"rendered":"NO TO THE INTERNATIONAL KANGAROO COURT- Justin Raimondo, 3 January 2003"},"content":{"rendered":"

THE ANTIWAR.COM<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

January 3, 2000<\/p>\n

NO TO THE INTERNATIONAL KANGAROO COURT<\/strong><\/p>\n

Justin Raimondo<\/p>\n

In the waning days of his administration, Bill Clinton has left us a legacy\u00a0that may come back to haunt us in ways we cannot now conceive. On Sunday,\u00a0the President authorized the signing of a treaty creating a permanent\u00a0international war crimes tribunal \u2013\u00a0known as the International Criminal Court (ICC) \u2013 under the aegis of theUnited Nations.<\/p>\n

Invoking the Nuremberg trials\u00a0that\u00a0sentenced Nazi war criminals, and averring that he still has some\u00a0“reservations” about the treaty, Clinton declared that “Our action today\u00a0sustains that tradition of moral leadership.” The announcement that the US\u00a0would sign was preceded by an intense push by “human rights” groups such\u00a0as\u00a0Amnesty International \u00a0<\/span>and\u00a0“Human Rights Watch”:\u00a0<\/span>the latter opined that “history\u00a0will look harshly on President Clinton if he fails to sign,” while the\u00a0former declared that Clinton’s signature “will demonstrate US support for\u00a0the rule of law and for equal justice for all.” As if history will be kind\u00a0to Slick Willie in any event \u2013 and as if the freest nation on earth has to\u00a0something to prove before the assembled collection of Middle Eastern emirs,\u00a0African presidents-for-life, South American caudillos, and East Asian\u00a0despots that make up the United Nations.<\/p>\n

OFF THE RESERVATION<\/p>\n

What was curious about this announcement were the reservations attached to\u00a0it, coupled with the strange news that, although he was signing it, Clinton\u00a0was recommending against Dubya submitting the treaty to the Senate forratification. In a statement,\u00a0our soon-to-be-ex- President confessed that<\/p>\n

“In signing, however, we are not abandoning our concerns\u00a0about significant flaws in the Treaty. In particular,\u00a0we are concerned that when the Court comes into existence,\u00a0it will not only exercise authority over personnel of statesthat have ratified the Treaty,\u00a0but also claim jurisdiction over personnel of states that have not. . . .Court jurisdictions over U.S. personnel should come only withUS ratification of the Treaty. The United States should have\u00a0the chance to observe and assess the functioning of the Court,\u00a0over time, before choosing to become subject to its jurisdiction.\u00a0Given these concerns, I will not, and do not recommend that my successor,\u00a0submit the Treaty to the Senate for advice and consent until our\u00a0fundamental concerns are satisfied.”<\/p>\n

BLUEPRINT FOR GLOBALISM<\/p>\n

What exactly are we signing on to? A look at the Rome Statute http:\/\/www.un.org\/law\/icc\/statute\/romefra.htm <\/a>of the International Criminal Court (ICC), ratified by a conference of UN\u00a0bureaucrats on July 17, 1998, reveals a blueprint for what is nothing less\u00a0than the judicial arm of an evolving World State \u2013 an international kangaroo\u00a0court that neither recognizes nor honors the Western principles of\u00a0jurisprudence.<\/p>\n

The Rome Statute sets out the rules and regulations governing the ICC, and\u00a0from the outset it is made quite clear that the Western liberal (in the\u00a0classical sense) concept of justice has little to do with the model\u00a0proffered by the architects of the ICC: Part 4, Article 36, section 8 of\u00a0the\u00a0Rome Statute sets out the terms of the mandatory multiculturalism that must\u00a0dictate the composition of the Court:<\/p>\n

“The States Parties shall, in the selection of judges, take into account\u00a0the\u00a0need, within the membership of the Court, for:\u00a0The representation of the principal legal systems of the world;\u00a0Equitable geographical representation; and\u00a0A fair representation of female and male judges”.<\/p>\n

THE LAW OF MULTI-CULTI<\/p>\n

The “principal legal systems of the world,” if we take the measure of thepopulations that chafe under their weight, include Islamic law,\u00a0or Sharia, which\u00a0provides the legal rationale for a strict theocracy, and the system ofgulags and one-party rule\u00a0imposed\u00a0on the Chinese people by Mao’s heirs. These are to be put on a par with the\u00a0US Constitution and the Magna Carta,\u00a0along with the\u00a0Albanian Code of Lek\u00a0and, presumably,\u00a0the prehistoric tribal customs of Australian aborigines. The result is an\u00a0authoritarian structure decorated with “democratic” pediments and\u00a0egalitarian flourishes, the perfect product of the nonsense enunciated in\u00a0the first words of the Preamble:<\/p>\n

“The States Parties to this Statute, conscious that all peoples are unitedby common bonds, their cultures pieced together in a shared heritage, andconcerned that this delicate mosaic may be shattered at any time . . .”<\/p>\n

THE END OF NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY<\/p>\n

But there is no “shared heritage.” Liberty cannot be “pieced together” out\u00a0of the Koran,\u00a0<\/span>the Constitution, and the\u00a0Communist Manifesto\u00a0<\/span>(or the Collected\u00a0Works of Deng Xiaoping): it can only be diluted out of existence altogether,\u00a0<\/span>melted into a multicultural\u00a0hodgepodge. This nutty universalism is sticky with sickly-sweet bromides,\u00a0and sinister in its simplicity. This “we-are-the-world” “it takes a global\u00a0village”-ism disguises a super-centralist profoundly alien regime, one thatarrogates all power to itself. \u00a0Part 5, Articles 58 and 59 of the Rome\u00a0Statute authorize the ICC to seize anyone, anywhere, for any reason: they\u00a0don’t even have to be accused of war crimes \u2013 the ICC prosecutor is\u00a0authorized to put out an arrest warrant “to ensure that the person does notobstruct or endanger the investigation or the court proceedings.” Article\u00a059\u00a0disposes of the outmoded concept of national sovereignty in its description\u00a0of the conditions under which those arrested by the authority of the ICC\u00a0might secure an interim release pending trial:<\/p>\n

“In reaching a decision on any such application, the competent authority\u00a0inthe custodial State shall consider whether, given the gravity of the allegedcrimes, there are urgent and exceptional circumstances to justify interim\u00a0release and whether necessary safeguards exist to ensure that the custodial\u00a0State can fulfill its duty to surrender the person to the Court. It shall\u00a0not be open to the competent authority of the custodial State to consider\u00a0whether the warrant of arrest was properly issued in accordance with article\u00a058, paragraph 1 (a) and (b)” [i.e., that there are reasonable grounds to\u00a0believe that the person has committed a crime within the jurisdiction of\u00a0the\u00a0Court; and that the arrest of the person appears necessary according to the\u00a0criteria set down by the Rome Statute.]<\/p>\n

IN THE COURT OF THE SUN KING<\/p>\n

In the very first Article the architects of the ICC openly proclaim their\u00a0hegemonic ambition: “The Court,” they declare, “shall have internationallegal personality” \u2013 an interesting turn of phrase \u2013 and “It shall also havesuch legal capacity as may be necessary for the exercise of its functions\u00a0and the fulfillment of its purposes.” The French Sun King said it well, andmore succinctly: “L’etat, c’est moi.” Article 8, section 2(f) brazenlyextends the authority of the Court to include civil wars, as well as alleged\u00a0crimes committed in the course of an international conflict. Aside from thisinfringement on the very idea of sovereignty, however, what is trulyfrightening is the specter of a system slated to replace our own legaltradition of constitutionally limited State power: if and when the ICCbecomes a reality, the American revolution is repealed.<\/p>\n

STAR CHAMBER<\/p>\n

Article 64, section 7 of the Rome Statute specifically authorizes secrettrials in “special circumstances,” which include protecting the “right” of\u00a0“victims” not to undergo “mental harm” as well as the “national security”\u00a0concerns of member states. Article 68, sections 1-6, also deal with thecircumstances in which closed sessions of the Court may be held, evidence\u00a0may be withheld from the defense, and the world may be kept in the dark as\u00a0to what exactly is going on in The Hague’s International Kangaroo Kourt.<\/p>\n

Article 72 provides the criteria by which member States may withhold\u00a0information from being introduced in evidence, but gives the Court the final\u00a0say \u2013 another unsubtle assault on the independence of member nations.<\/p>\n

Article 81, section 3[c], avers that the accused may be held in detentioneven if acquitted! In the same spirit, Article 92 introduces a whole new\u00a0concept of law to Americans unfamiliar with police state methods: the ideaof the “provisional arrest”! In other words: arrest them first, and think\u00a0up\u00a0some charges later. The only “shared heritage” that the authors of this\u00a0abominable document have the right to invoke is the legacy of absolutism,\u00a0the long dark night of Oriental despotism and the divine right of kings,\u00a0which was overthrown by thegreat liberal revolutions of the seventeenth\u00a0and eighteenth centuries\u00a0\u2013 or so we thought.<\/p>\n

WILLFUL IGNORANCE<\/p>\n

The idea that the ICC is or can be a legitimate means to brings States to\u00a0heel and punish the perpetrators of war crimes is a liberal illusion that\u00a0hides a sinister purpose: the overthrow of our Constitution and the\u00a0substitution of a globalist oligarchy, whose windy edicts will have the\u00a0force of law. A subsidiary but more immediately useful purpose will be as\u00a0an\u00a0organ of propaganda in the endless wars waged by the Big Powers against the\u00a0“rogue states” of the future. Article 53, Section 1 [c] makes it clear that\u00a0some war crimes are more equal than others. Even if the prosecutor\u00a0determines that a war crime or a “crime against humanity” has indeed been\u00a0committed, there could well be “substantial reasons to believe an\u00a0investigation would not serve the interests of justice.” In that case,\u00a0forget it \u2013 just as the International Criminal Tribunal for the FormerYugoslavia,\u00a0the precursor to the ICC, ignored all\u00a0evidence of crimes against Serbs in the recent Balkan wars. In the Rome\u00a0Statute such willful ignorance is rationalized and codified.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

APPEAL TO LUCIFER<\/p>\n

The great fear among the American military, and many conservatives, is thatthe ICC will indict American soldiers acting under orders as “warcriminals” \u2013 and, if Seymour Hersh’s account of the Gulf War is to be\u00a0believed,\u00a0then there is undoubtedly ample basis\u00a0for this fear. The Rome Statute forbids the use of “starvation” tactics to\u00a0defeat an enemy, and surely this section applies to the embargo on basic\u00a0goods to Iraq,\u00a0which has so far killed hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, mostly the aged\u00a0and the very young. By any measure, the relentless US assault on the\u00a0virtually defenseless people of Iraq amounts to a war crime \u2013 but asking\u00a0the\u00a0ICC, an agency of the United Nations, which authorized the sanctions to\u00a0begin with, to condemn that crime is like asking Lucifer to denounce sin.<\/p>\n

It\u00a0cannot and will not happen. The real targets of the ICC will be the\u00a0political pariahs of the moment \u2013 whatever local chieftain has the\u00a0effrontery to defy the will of the globalists and is currently beingportrayed as the latest incarnation of Hitler.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

THE CLINTON LEGACY<\/p>\n

When Clinton signed on to the ICC, Senator Jesse Helms bellowed his\u00a0defiance: “This decision will not stand!”\u00a0 <\/span>But it might.<\/p>\n

The Bush administration is unlikely to openly and explicitly repudiate the\u00a0treaty after Clinton went ahead and signed it: the Rome Statute will stay\u00a0inlimbo, not ratified but not rejected either. Furthermore, it will become\u00a0the\u00a0subject of a long, slow buildup by the internationalists, an ongoing\u00a0propaganda campaign designed to result in eventual ratification. Clinton\u00a0may\u00a0be gone, but his legacy lives on, and someday we may recall it with more\u00a0than mere embarrassment. In the early days of the Clinton administration,\u00a0deputy secretary of state Strobe Talbott\u00a0enunciated theguiding principles of the Clintonian foreign policy in a article in Time\u00a0magazine [“Birth of the Global Nation”] right before his appointment:<\/p>\n

“Here is one optimist’s reason for believing unity will prevail … within\u00a0the next hundred years … nationhood as we know it will be obsolete; all\u00a0states will recognize a single, global authority.”<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

NO RELIEF IN SIGHT<\/p>\n

If you’re thinking to get some relief from the incoming Republicans, thinkagain. After all, it was Dubya’s father, George Herbert Walker Bush,\u00a0<\/span>who first enunciated in a very\u00a0public way the necessity of constructing what he called “a New World Order”\u00a0in the post-cold war world,\u00a0and the militant internationalism of Talbott and Madeleine Albright\u00a0underscores the essentialcontinuity of US foreign policy from one administration to the next,regardless of party. The foreign policy “debate,” such as it is, consists\u00a0ofan argument over means, not ends. Dubya’s father first went to the UN\u00a0to get permission for the\u00a0Gulf War, and only then did he deign to consult with the American Congress\u00a0while reserving his right to ignore congressional advice. Unless Dubya\u00a0breaks with the internationalist tradition of the Bush dynasty, we are stuck\u00a0with the tar-baby of the ICC whether we like it or not. Jesse Helms, while\u00a0he is powerful, will not live forever. Unfortunately, neither will the\u00a0independence of these United States \u2013 unless Republican legislators and the\u00a0newly-installed President begin to hear from irate conservatives at the\u00a0grassroots in record numbers. <end><\/p>\n

——————————-<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

THE ANTIWAR.COM   January 3, 2000 NO TO THE INTERNATIONAL KANGAROO COURT Justin Raimondo In the waning days of his administration, Bill Clinton has left us a legacy\u00a0that may come back to haunt us in ways we cannot now conceive. On Sunday,\u00a0the President authorized the signing of a treaty creating a permanent\u00a0international war crimes tribunal … <\/p>\n

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