{"id":1379,"date":"2020-04-09T15:22:59","date_gmt":"2020-04-09T14:22:59","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.balkan-conflicts-research.com\/archive\/?page_id=1379"},"modified":"2020-04-09T15:22:59","modified_gmt":"2020-04-09T14:22:59","slug":"stacy-sullivan-on-milosevic-and-genocide-edward-s-herman-28-may-2004","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/www.balkan-conflicts-research.com\/archive\/stacy-sullivan-on-milosevic-and-genocide-edward-s-herman-28-may-2004\/","title":{"rendered":"Stacy Sullivan on Milosevic and Genocide – Edward S Herman 28 May 2004"},"content":{"rendered":"

Stacy Sullivan on Milosevic and Genocide<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span>By Edward S. Herman | May 28, 2004<\/p>\n

Liberals and much of the left have been badly\u00a0bamboozled on recent\u00a0<\/span>Yugoslav history and the role of the International\u00a0Criminal Tribunal\u00a0<\/span>for the Former Yugoslavia, with former Serbian\u00a0President Slobodan\u00a0<\/span>Milosevic having been hyper-demonized and the\u00a0history of the Balkans\u00a0<\/span>rewritten to fit what Leonard Cohen calls the\u00a0“paradise lost\/loathsome\u00a0<\/span>leaders” paradigm. But numerous serious scholars\u00a0\u00a0have rejected this\u00a0<\/span>history and regard the U.S. and other NATO powers as\u00a0heavily\u00a0<\/span>responsible for the disasters since 1990. Lord David\u00a0Owen’s Balkan\u00a0<\/span>Odyssey, and his testimony before the Tribunal, makeit very clear that\u00a0<\/span>Milosevic was eager for a settlement of the Bosnian\u00a0wars well before\u00a0<\/span>the Dayton agreement in 1995, and that he regularly\u00a0had major conflicts\u00a0<\/span>of interest with the Bosnian Serbs. It is clear from\u00a0Owen, as well as\u00a0<\/span>from other experts that the U.S. government played a\u00a0key role in the\u00a0<\/span>failure of the 1991 Vance plan, the 1992 Cutileiro\u00a0plan, and the\u00a0<\/span>1993-94 Vance-Owen and Owen-Stoltenberg plans, as\u00a0the Clinton\u00a0<\/span>administration armed the Bosnian Muslims, and later\u00a0the KLA in Kosovo,\u00a0<\/span>while encouraging them both to hope (and work) for\u00a0U.S.-NATO military\u00a0 i<\/span>ntervention on their behalf.<\/p>\n

Milosevic was not indicted along with Mladic and\u00a0Karadzic in 1995 for\u00a0<\/span>the ethnic cleansing in Bosnia in prior years, so\u00a0the belated attempt\u00a0<\/span>in The Hague in 2002 to make him responsible for\u00a0those killings\u00a0<\/span>suggests that UN war crimes tribunal chief\u00a0prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte\u00a0<\/span>did this because she saw that the killings in Kosovo\u00a0fell far short of\u00a0<\/span>anything she could pass off as “genocide.” Even\u00a0establishment\u00a0<\/span>spokespersons like retired U.S. Air Force General\u00a0Charles Boyd and UN official Cedric Thornberry have stressed that the\u00a0Bosnian killings in\u00a0<\/span>the years 1991-1995 were by no means confined to\u00a0those by Bosnian\u00a0<\/span>Serbs: the Croatians and Bosnian Muslims, the latter\u00a0supplemented by\u00a0<\/span>thousands of imported mujahideen, slaughtered many\u00a0thousands of their\u00a0<\/span>ethnic enemies in the area. But the Tribunal,\u00a0organized, funded, and\u00a0<\/span>essentially controlled by the U.S. and Britain, was\u00a0only interested in pursuing NATO targets, and these were almost\u00a0exclusively Serbs.<\/p>\n

There is now substantial literature that makes a\u00a0strong case that the\u00a0<\/span>Tribunal is not only a crudely political arm of\u00a0NATO, but that it is a\u00a0<\/span>“rogue court.” As a political arm, it regularly\u00a0cleared the ground for\u00a0<\/span>NATO military actions and since that victory the\u00a0Tribunal has worked\u00a0<\/span>hard to prove that the NATO war was just.<\/p>\n

The Milosevic trial is the main vehicle for proving\u00a0NATO’s virtue,\u00a0<\/span>though it has been a major flop in proving its case\u00a0and maintaining an image of fairness and justice. The latter problem\u00a0was nicely illustrated in the Tribunal’s recent privileged\u00a0treatment of the U.S. government and Wesley Clark. Thus, the U.S.\u00a0government was given the\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0right to demand a closed session of the court and to\u00a0redact testimony;\u00a0<\/span>Clark was allowed to communicate with outsiders and\u00a0obtain and insert \u00a0into the record a truth testimonial from Bill\u00a0Clinton, in\u00a0<\/span>straightforward violation of Judge May’s trial\u00a0rules. Readers of the\u00a0<\/span>New York Times (or In These Times and The Nation)\u00a0will also never know\u00a0<\/span>that with William Walker on the stand, Judge May’s\u00a0deference to the\u00a0<\/span>“Ambassador” was laughable: during direct\u00a0examination by the\u00a0<\/span>prosecutors there was not one interruption, while\u00a0during Milosevic’s\u00a0<\/span>cross-examination he interrupted 70 times, and\u00a0wouldn’t allow him to\u00a0<\/span>ask Walker, the man who grieved so over deaths at\u00a0Racak, about his\u00a0<\/span>earlier crude apologetics for the killing of the sixJesuit leaders and\u00a0<\/span>others in El Salvador.<\/p>\n

A recent example of the kind of analysis that\u00a0repeats the canards common to the liberal “conventional wisdom” is\u00a0FPIF’s commentary by\u00a0<\/span>Stacy Sullivan, of the Institute for War and Peace\u00a0Reporting (IWPR), on\u00a0<\/span>“Milosevic and Genocide: Has the Prosecution Made\u00a0Its Case?”\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

( http:\/\/www.fpif.org\/commentary\/2004\/0402milosevic.html ).<\/p>\n

IWPR is funded by the State Department, USAID, the National\u00a0Endowment for\u00a0<\/span>Democracy, the Open Society Institute, and half a\u00a0dozen other Western\u00a0<\/span>governments, and it has long served as a de facto\u00a0propaganda arm of\u00a0<\/span>NATO. Sullivan is most noted for her New Republic\u00a0classic of hardline\u00a0<\/span>pro-war and vengeance propaganda, “Milosevic’s\u00a0Willing Executioners”\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>(May 9, 1999). Sullivan’s FPIF article is in the\u00a0same mode, taking it\u00a0<\/span>as a given that the Tribunal is an apolitical\u00a0instrument of justice and\u00a0<\/span>that we have an honest and not a show trial.<\/p>\n

An Annotated Response to Sullivan<\/p>\n

Her first sentence says that the prosecutors\u00a0announced right off that\u00a0<\/span>they would “prove” Milosevic guilty of genocide. She\u00a0fails to mention\u00a0<\/span>that the Bosnia charges were added belatedly, that\u00a0Milosevic had not\u00a0<\/span>been charged with them at the time of the actual\u00a0killings, and that while Del Ponte said she would “prove” this guilt\u00a0\u00a0she admittedly didn’t\u00a0<\/span>yet have the evidence. Indict, publicly and\u00a0flamboyantly charge, and\u00a0<\/span>then look for the evidence, has long been the\u00a0Tribunal’s modus operandi.<\/p>\n

Sullivan’s second sentence mentions that there were\u00a0“300 witnesses,” “some high level insiders who have turned on their\u00a0former master,” “thousands of pages of documents,” etc. We are\u00a0supposed to be impressed\u00a0<\/span>with this sheer volume of smoke that must show a\u00a0\u00a0genocidal fire. She\u00a0<\/span>doesn’t mention that Canadian law professor Michael\u00a0Mandel gave Del Ponte “thousands of pages” of documents in April\u00a01999 showing NATO war\u00a0<\/span>crimes, which of course Del Ponte ignored, and that\u00a0thousands of pages\u00a0<\/span>have been published and innumerable witnesses could\u00a0have been supplied as witnesses for the many thousands of Serb victims\u00a0in Bosnia. It is\u00a0<\/span>extremely easy to find victimized people in civil\u00a0wars who will testify\u00a0<\/span>to maltreatment if given the opportunity and even\u00a0paid for their\u00a0<\/span>trouble, and some and perhaps most will even be\u00a0telling the painful\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>truth. But only a propagandist will mention the 300\u00a0witnesses as if\u00a0<\/span>this alone is a serious consideration in proving\u00a0“genocide.”\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

As regards the “high level insiders,” in fact the\u00a0prosecution came up\u00a0<\/span>with few that were high level and fewer still who\u00a0were cooperative. One\u00a0<\/span>of their prime witnesses, Ratomir Tanic, appears to\u00a0have been a conman,\u00a0<\/span>who was so “inside” that he couldn’t even describe\u00a0the location of the\u00a0<\/span>president’s office. Genuine insiders like former\u00a0Yugoslav president\u00a0<\/span>Zoran Lilic and member of the Yugoslav presidency\u00a0Borislav Jovic\u00a0<\/span>confirmed Milosevic on almost all key points. Rade\u00a0Markovic, the former\u00a0<\/span>head of Yugoslav security, who had everything to\u00a0gain from denouncing\u00a0<\/span>his old boss, also defended Milosevic on all key\u00a0points while\u00a0<\/span>renouncing a statement he claimed had been extracted\u00a0from him by\u00a0<\/span>threats and torture during a 17 month stint in\u00a0prison. Sullivan\u00a0<\/span>predictably doesn’t mention that many “insiders” and\u00a0others were bribed\u00a0<\/span>and threatened with heavy sentences unless they\u00a0acquiesced to\u00a0<\/span>plea-bargains.<\/p>\n

Sullivan claims that many legal experts are doubtful\u00a0about a successful\u00a0<\/span>genocide charge because the Tribunal “has set the\u00a0bar for doing so\u00a0<\/span>extremely high.” They might have to prove that\u00a0Milosevic “orchestrated\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>the breakup of Yugoslavia with the specific intent\u00a0to destroy Bosnian\u00a0<\/span>Muslims as a people…[with] unequivocal evidence of\u00a0genocidal\u00a0<\/span>intent…calling for the liquidation of all of the\u00a0Bosnian Muslims…”\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The idea that Milosevic wanted the breakup of\u00a0Yugoslavia is ideology run wild and contradicts the usual formula that he\u00a0attacked Slovenia\u00a0<\/span>and Croatia in an attempt to prevent their exit from\u00a0Yugoslavia (for a summary of an alternative view of the Balkan wars,\u00a0see Edward S.\u00a0<\/span>Herman, “Diana Johnstone on the Balkan Wars,”\u00a0<\/span>(http:\/\/www.monthlyreview.org\/0203herman.htm) , as wellas a recent\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0piece by George Szamuely for FPIF, “The YugoslavianFairytale,”\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0(http:\/\/www.fpif.org\/commentary\/2004\/0405fairytale.html ).<\/p>\n

As there was a lot of back-and-forth ethnic\u00a0cleansing and killing in\u00a0<\/span>Bosnia, and the celebrated Srebrenica killings were\u00a0comprised entirely\u00a0<\/span>of military-aged men, many killed in fighting, and\u00a0after the Bosnian\u00a0<\/span>Serbs had admittedly separated out the women and\u00a0children and moved\u00a0<\/span>them to safe refuge, intent and plan (as well as the\u00a0still elusive\u00a0<\/span>Milosevic control of the Bosnian Serb forces) would\u00a0seem rather essential to proving that Milosevic was guilty of\u00a0genocide in any\u00a0<\/span>sense. Besides, Del Ponte said she was definitely\u00a0going to “prove”\u00a0<\/span>genocide. What concept did she have in mind?<\/p>\n

What constitutes genocide?<\/p>\n

Sullivan doesn’t have a clue on the level of\u00a0Tribunal “bars” for\u00a0<\/span>charges of genocide. These have proved to be\u00a0wonderfully flexible, and her claim of a too-high bar has no basis in any\u00a0Tribunal actions but is\u00a0<\/span>rather a form of pressure to get the bar low enough\u00a0to assure the show\u00a0<\/span>trial’s proper result. In Bosnian Serb General\u00a0Krstic’s case, the\u00a0<\/span>Tribunal found Krstic guilty of genocide by making\u00a0it virtually the\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0same thing as ethnic cleansing, and extending the\u00a0concept to killing\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>only armed men in a single small town!<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span>Assuming that this was a valid case of genocide,\u00a0Sullivan alleges that\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0an “acquittal would have serious consequences for\u00a0attempts to prosecute\u00a0<\/span>genocide in the future.” If it isn’t a valid case of\u00a0genocide it wouldn’t interfere with future efforts at all.\u00a0However, if it is a\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0corrupt case brought by an alliance that actually\u00a0carried out the “supreme crime” of aggression in violation of the UN\u00a0Charter in attacking Yugoslavia, using the Tribunal first as a\u00a0war-facilitating\u00a0<\/span>instrument and then as a means of justifying the\u00a0aggression, losing the\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0case would be a plus for the international rule of\u00a0law. This is not likely to happen, given the fact that the Tribunal\u00a0is an arm of the\u00a0<\/span>NATO powers, although the case made by the\u00a0prosecution has been so weak\u00a0<\/span>that it is not inconceivable that Milosevic might\u00a0only be found guilty\u00a0<\/span>of “crimes against humanity.”<\/p>\n

Great Powers and Genocide<\/p>\n

What might really interfere with efforts to pursue\u00a0genocide would be if\u00a0<\/span>the United States or another major power engaged in\u00a0genocide or gave it\u00a0<\/span>support, as there are no mechanisms to prevent or\u00a0punish acts such as these in the New World Order, and major powers are\u00a0essentially exempt.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0Thus, the “sanctions of mass destruction” imposed by\u00a0the U.S. and\u00a0<\/span>Britain on Iraq from 1991-2002 killed four or five\u00a0times as many civilians as died from all causes in the Balkans\u00a0wars of the 1990s, and\u00a0<\/span>as Thomas Nagy and Joy Gordon have shown, these\u00a0deaths were brought\u00a0<\/span>about deliberately; and Suharto’s and his\u00a0successors’ operations in\u00a0<\/span>Indonesia and East Timor were big-time genocidal,\u00a0but under Western,\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0and notably U.S. and British, protection. The\u00a0problem of this exemption\u00a0<\/span>does not occur to Sullivan.<\/p>\n

Sullivan argues that “by far the most serious\u00a0consequences of an\u00a0<\/span>acquittal on genocide charges…would be for\u00a0Bosnia’s victims,”\u00a0<\/span>ignoring the Croat and Serbian victims, of which\u00a0there were many\u00a0<\/span>thousands. (The largest single ethnic cleansing\u00a0during the Balkan wars\u00a0<\/span>was of Serbs driven out of the Krajina in August\u00a01995, by the Croats, with U.S. assistance; the largest proportionate\u00a0ethnic cleansing in\u00a0<\/span>those wars was of Serbs and other minorities,\u00a0including Roma, driven\u00a0<\/span>out of Kosovo by the KLA under NATO auspices after\u00a0June 1999.) But even in her own narrow terms of reference, how concernedare Bosnian victims\u00a0<\/span>over this issue? How does Sullivan know about thevictims’ feelings? A poll taken in Bosnia several years ago indicated\u00a0that no more than six\u00a0<\/span>percent of Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, or Croats\u00a0considered the bringing of\u00a0<\/span>war criminals to justice as important (Charles Boyd,\u00a0“Making Bosnia\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0Work,” Foreign Affairs, January 1998). \u00a0Furthermore, why would Bosnian victims need a\u00a0successful “genocide”\u00a0<\/span>charge and not be satisfied with guilt for “crimes\u00a0against humanity?”\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

However, if the function of the trial is to prove\u00a0the NATO war just, we\u00a0<\/span>must have “genocide.” Best, however, to pretend that\u00a0it is concern over\u00a0<\/span>the victims rather than NATO-establishment\u00a0priorities that make the\u00a0<\/span>charge of genocide so important.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Editor: John Gershman, Interhemispheric Resource\u00a0Center (IRC)<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

(Ed Herman is an economist and media analyst. He has\u00a0a regular “Fog\u00a0<\/span>Watch” column in Z magazine. With Philip Hammond, he\u00a0co-edited Degraded\u00a0<\/span>Capability: the Media and the Kosovo Crisis (Pluto:\u00a02000).)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Stacy Sullivan on Milosevic and Genocide \u00a0By Edward S. Herman | May 28, 2004 Liberals and much of the left have been badly\u00a0bamboozled on recent\u00a0Yugoslav history and the role of the International\u00a0Criminal Tribunal\u00a0for the Former Yugoslavia, with former Serbian\u00a0President Slobodan\u00a0Milosevic having been hyper-demonized and the\u00a0history of the Balkans\u00a0rewritten to fit what Leonard Cohen calls the\u00a0“paradise … <\/p>\n

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